Alfred Preis

Hawai‘i: A Space In Between

Becoming an In-between Place

Like most emigres, Alfred Preis found himself in an unfamiliar, strange place upon his arrival in Honolulu. The languages, cultures, and blend of ethnicities were significantly different from the cultural melting pot of Vienna was at the time of his youth. For him, Hawai‘i also had an alien climatic landscape. All of this created a sense of displacement for the young Preis. But his initial bewilderment was quickly replaced by an awareness of opportunity and curiosity. Bringing with him a cosmopolitan and Eurocentric Viennese architectural training and knowledge, he was now exposed to a geographically isolated and relatively insular society.

Seafaring Polynesians first arrived around 400 C.E. on the Hawaiian Islands, settling initially on Hawai‘i, the Big Island. With them they not only brought skills in fishing and farming, but somewhat feudalistic social structure.  Land was distributed in long parcels of arable and jungle land called ahupua‘a, dividing the land into fruitful territories for each group owned and ruled by chieftains, known as ali‘i. This parcellation was significantly different to the rather geometric, bureaucratic form of land sub-division later introduced by Western settlers.

The Hawaiians’ rich, practical, and artistic cultures that Preis, as Director of the Foundation of the Culture and The Arts, would later attempt to preserve, included printing elaborate kapa cloth, exquisite clothing made of tropical birds’ feathers reserved for ali‘i; petroglyphs; symbolic tattooing; hula dances and mele (songs and chants).

Architectural influences on Preis’s work are with no doubt indigenous-built structures such as lanai (open-sided work and gathering spaces made of wood with heavily thatched roofs), hale (homes, also of wooden poles and thatch), and heiau (outdoor temples) of lava rock and wood. Preis soon developed a sincere interest in the beauty of nature and its preservation. He believed strongly in the advantages of Hawaii’s trade winds for cooling, and in the raising of buildings from the floor to combat rodent and pest intrusion. These interests gradually informed his regional version of modernism but also paid tribute to a reverent view of the ‘aina (the land) that provided the original settlers their bounty.

Preis, of course, did not encounter a pristine indigenous society. By the time of his arrival in 1939, Western culture and economy dominated. With the arrival of British explorer Captain James Cook in 1778, Hawaii’s culture and society would forever change. Cook’s anthropologists and scientists extensively documented Hawaiians’ ways of living and the islands’ natural environments. Soon, many other countries, from England, to France, and the United States became interested in Hawai‘i as a source of raw materials, such as its prolific stands of sandalwood trees. It was also a prospective shipping hub between the East and West. Only King Kamehameha, who by 1810 conquered all the islands, prevented through the unification into one kingdom, the colonization of a single foreign power—but only for the time being. Nonetheless, Christian missionaries and traders gradually transformed the islands through conversion to Christianity and the accidental introduction of devastating diseases that decimated the indigenous population. American interest began with colonists developing Hawaii’s commercial agriculture into a sugar-based economy. Other crop development, such as the vast pineapple fields, soon followed. Because Americans almost solely controlled the Hawaiian economy, they were able annex the archipelago as US Territory in 1898.

Upon this annexation, a third migration wave began with a new population brought in as plantation workers. Plantation owners began to import laborers from other countries in successive waves – first by bringing in Chinese immigrants, then laborers from Japan, Germany, Portugal, the Philippines, and Korea. After completing their years-long labor contracts, these immigrants elected to stay and to try their prospects on the islands rather than returning to their home countries. Chinese, Portuguese and Japanese former plantation workers would form core societies in Hawai‘i – and also become Preis’s clients – thus informing major parts of his understanding of the different cultural lifestyles and living habits. Although white civilians still dominated island business, politics, and “high” culture for much of the first half of the twentieth century, a vigorous multiethnic labor movement eventually began to bring down the power of those plantation owners and shippers. By the 1950s, Japanese and other civilians would ultimately become significant leaders in Hawaii’s politics.

Because of this history, Hawai‘i has occupied a complex physical and psychological space “in between” the Pacific Islands, the continental United States, and Asia. The archipelago’s remote geographical location, along with its colonial and post-colonial social, economic, and cultural histories have generated a vivid intersection of Eastern, Western, and Pacific Island cultures – not quite fully expressing any one of them predominantly. In response, Preis equally adopted a very in-between consciousness of the Hawaiian environment, culture, and economy, introducing – in reverse – a Viennese aesthetic and social-liberal mindset.

A Changing Culture of Belief

Prior to Western contact, indigenous Hawaiians worshipped both in their daily life practices and in outside heiau. Heiau were large platforms or walled enclosures often constructed of volcanic stones.  With the arrival of New England missionaries in the early nineteenth century, most Hawaiians were eventually convinced to convert to the Christian religion.

Since the first missionaries to Hawai‘i were from New England, their early religious architecture followed New England church styles, using locally available materials – oftentimes from dismantled heiau. Through the mid-nineteenth and into first decades of the twentieth century, other forms of Western historical revivalism, such as the Gothic Revival, became common in Christian religious architecture on the islands.

With the growing acceptance of modernism during the interwar period, many Christian denominations started to update their church styles. Not only were modernist churches more likely to attract younger congregants, but also many church officials believed that religious architecture should evolve in order to better represent the contemporary era. On the mainland, some of the first modernist churches and synagogues began to appear in the early 1940s, before the war interrupted most construction. Pietro Belluschi, a West coast modernist and regionalist, was one of the first US designers to create distinctively modern churches that also evoked a sense of place by using local materials. After the war, Eliel Saarinen’s Christ Church Lutheran (1948) in Minneapolis, Minnesota was a landmark of modern US church design. Alfred Preis’s religious architecture on the archipelago paralleled some of the most avant-garde mainland worship spaces that were designed in the first years of the 1950s.

Because of the islands’ ethnic and cultural diversity, modernism in religious architecture was ideally suited to local congregants. Modern design seemed, perhaps, to be a more culturally egalitarian option, because it mitigated more overtly European and colonial historicism. In Hawai‘i, (as on the mainland US) the Jewish community was one of the first groups to embrace architectural modernism for this reason. Classical and Gothic Revival historical languages, for example, often represented the very Christian communities who had long oppressed the Jewish people. This understanding built the foundation for Alfred Preis’s novel approach.

Preis’s First Methodist Church from 1953 was formidably modern – and not only for Hawai‘i, but also for the United States as a whole. Using elements from an earlier abandoned synagogue design and decidedly using Hawaiian typological influences, he revolutionized and inspired the future of church design in Hawai‘i. Although modernism in mainland religious architecture began to take hold in some progressively minded congregations by the late 1940s and early 1950s, it would not be until the middle and late 1950s that modernism was more widely adopted in religious architecture. But with Preis’s design for First Methodist – and the many designs for island modernist churches that followed – Hawai‘i was on the vanguard of culturally and regionally-sensitive architectural design for religious buildings.

Postwar Housing: Architecture for All

After World War II and before Hawai‘i was granted statehood in 1959, Alfred Preis recognized that housing crisis caused by Hawaii’s rapidly increasing population in the postwar boom was dire. Already between 1930 and the war’s end in 1946, the population of the county of Honolulu grew by over fifty percent; a baby boom increased this number still further. The new availability of commercial air travel also brought thousands more people to the islands, and hotel and amenities businesses exploded. In Waikiki, through the 1950s and 60s, architects designed high-rise hotels, resorts, restaurants, Hawai‘i-themed shops, tourist vacation apartments, and seasonal condominiums at breakneck speed, and in the process destroyed much of what Preis deemed god-given beauty in nature. Many of Preis’s articles in collaboration with his colleagues of Associated Architects concern themselves equally with the novel idea of preserving the natural beauty of the island and establishing larger planning strategies for affordable housing.

Directly following the war, the critical lack of affordable and humane housing – a severe problem that persists to this day – had reached a point of complete crisis. By 1946, there were far more people in Honolulu than there were houses and apartments for them to live in. People slept in the parks, on the beaches, and in makeshift, temporary structures. Entire multigenerational families – sometimes of 15-17 – lived in tiny units designed for a single person. The postwar housing shortage was exacerbated by the fact that Hawai‘i Housing Authority (HHA) had already initiated a huge postwar ‘slum clearance’ initiative, tearing down structures that the Board of Health had condemned as too crowded and unsanitary. Longtime residents were evicted on short notice and with no government backup strategies to rehouse them.

Government authorities also struggled with incredible demand for emergency veteran housing. Many thousands of Pacific war veterans were returning home – many former mainlanders had decided to stay in Hawai‘i permanently. But they returned from vicious combat to find that they had no place to live. Civic and military organizations proposed ‘solutions’ like declaring all leftover military facilities, such as Quonset huts, as veterans’ emergency housing. But young families could not be housed indefinitely in surplus military structures. To make matters worse, shipments of building materials for new housing were infrequent and unreliable. Many architects, including Preis, were asked to design temporary, emergency veterans housing. Yet, veterans like many other Americans, wanted permanent houses to start families or to raise their new children.

The growing number of tourists and their demand for short-term accommodations and vacation housing was an obstacle for housing crisis. Architects and the construction industry were faced with the choice of building lucrative tourist housing, hotels, and businesses – or far less lucrative small houses for Hawai‘i locals. To make matters even worse, territorial policy also gave civilian military workers from the mainland priority for housing over local residents.

Although Preis was concerned with housing question and frequently engaged in the planning of emergency veterans’ housing, he, like other architects, relied on commercial commissions to make ends meet. But commissions like these worked directly to exacerbate the housing problem. Through the Veteran’s Emergency Housing Act of 1946, the US Congress passed a program, which was designed to expedite the production and distribution of house building materials. In one of the most sweeping federal housing policies enacted prior to 1950, it created low and moderately priced rental and single-family properties for veterans.

During the 1940s, Preis had spoken vehemently in favor of increasing Honolulu’s housing density, opposing the development of new suburbs. He advocated for taller apartment buildings instead of suburban sprawl. But by the 1950s, most of the tall building construction was for condominiums and apartments aimed at the city’s wealthier residents and tourists, who wanted the most modern amenities and majestic views of the ocean and mountains. Like on the US mainland, Honolulu housing for middle and working class citizens would suburbanize. Recognizing that there were strong economic and social forces at work against increasing urban density for low and middle-income people, Preis began to establish himself as an expert practitioner of suburban domestic design and neighborhood planning.

For Preis, humane and affordable housing in Hawai‘i was a critical necessity. He would also work on several military and suburban housing developments. This work no doubt evoked memories of Red Vienna and its architects, who designed good housing for all. Because there was little financial incentive for undertaking these lower-cost commissions – affordable Federal Housing Administration mortgages for Hawai‘i topped out at around $10,000 (and were often far less), Preis likely earned smaller commissions than for his commercial projects. But he seems to have been motivated by a strong sense of social justice.

By the 1950s, Preis found that his forays into low-cost suburban housing had given him an important creative opportunity. In devising his many low-cost designs (including his simultaneous work in public park design), and often in direct consultation with the future residents themselves, he was able to meet Honoluluans from all walks of life. By continuing his work in residential architecture for a wide variety of families, he was able to explore his creative visions for regional Hawai‘i modernism. He would establish a new home development realty company, the Woodlawn Improvement Company, and he spearheaded the development and design of Melemele Place in Mānoa. Here, he designed some of his most architecturally innovative residences. In designing livable and cheerful environments for residents across Hawaii’s wide economic spectrum, he became an architect for all of Hawaii’s peoples.

Shedding Colonialism: The Hawai‘i Labor Movement

Preis’s remarkable architectural impact on the labor movement through his long collaborations with labor unions requires historical context. The politically progressive Hawai‘i of today was hard won against an exploitative system that had begun in the middle nineteenth century, when haole, non-indigenous, white plantation owners held near complete political, economic, and social control over the islands. The formation of the Hawai‘i chapter of the International Longshore and Warehouse Union (ILWU) was the instrumental force in throwing off the shackles of colonialism. Their work was born of a long struggle for fairness for workers in the fields, on the shipping docks, and elsewhere in Hawaii’s community.

Sugar production and the immigrant labor that sustained it, was the backbone of Hawaii’s economy and was the focus of immigrant workers’ early attempts at unionization. By 1848, when Hawaiian land was divided for private ownership under the “Great Mahele,” the best cane land – dispossessed from Native Hawaiians ­– fell under mostly haole, white ownership. When Hawai‘i was annexed by the United States in 1900, contract labor was outlawed. Nevertheless, labor conditions remained extremely difficult for the workers. The plantations operated as “closed” systems, whereby the workers lived at the plantations themselves in plantation-provided housing. In many cases, and especially for the lowest paid workers, the housing was decrepit.

With annexation, five Kingdom-era sugar, pineapple, and shipping companies— Alexander & Baldwin Ltd., American Factors Ltd., Castle & Cooke Ltd., C. Brewer & Company Ltd., and Theo H. Davies Company Ltd.— became known as the “Big Five.” Together, they controlled 90% of the sugar and other agriculture and shipping in the territory. Their directors colluded to keep wages low and their workers under control in order to help the companies become multi-million-dollar organizations. Together, they owned almost half of the land in the islands, controlled the banks and government, and many of the service industries, from transportation to utilities.

The Big Five controlled their workers primarily by paying them according to nationality and placing them ethnically segregated housing. The most recent immigrants were usually the lowest paid. This strategy helped to sow division between the ethnic groups and to prevent them from collaborating or unionizing for fairer treatment. Although a number of smaller strikes among different immigrant nationalities occurred in the early years of the twentieth century, it was not be until the mid-1930s that a multi-ethnic labor movement began to make inroads against the Big Five. The 1935 Wagner Act gave workers legally the right to establish unions. Inspired by the growing US labor movement, Hilo longshoremen formed the first Hawaiian chapter of the ILWU in 1935. Their goal was to represent longshore, sugar, and pineapple workers across the islands.

The ILWU’s power would continue to grow with the arrival of a charismatic labor organizer from the mainland, named Jack Hall. There, he worked with other local organizers like Jack Kawano, publishing union materials in multiple languages in order to recruit workers into the organization. Their tireless efforts culminated in the Big Sugar Strike of 1946, which lasted for 79 days: it was the first strike to successfully bring the entire industry to a grinding halt. Members of the ILWU organized substantial community aid organizations, such as soup kitchens, entertainment committees, community gardens, and other amenities, which would assist the workers in living through the strike.

The strike achieved major concessions from plantation and longshore employers, including a shortened workweek, higher rates of pay, and better housing for all. Hawaii’s ILWU was a remarkable achievement of community activism and inter-ethnic solidarity against corporate, white supremacy. It became one of the strongest and most ethnically diverse unions in the United States. Though it was criticized and prosecuted through the cold war era of the 1950s – something that even led to Preis being suspected of interacting with communists – it also portrayed multi-ethnic progressivism in which an undeterred Alfred Preis would go on to play a leading role through building some of the most iconic, contemporary public buildings for the ILWU on the archipelago.

Formative years in Vienna and escape from the Nazis (1911-1939)

A new life in Hawaii:  First steps as an architect & Internment as an Enemy Alien (1939 – 1942)

A Public Icon: From a Master of Hawaiian Modernism to Hawaii’s ‘Art Czar’

Public spaces and buildings for communities

Residential Work

The USS Arizona Memorial (1959-1962)

Vienna Modernism in Hawai‘i and the Bi-cultural Exchange

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Beyond architecture: Alfred Preis, activist, environmentalist, visionary